I will be sharing time with Deputy Seán Kenny. This is
an issue on which I was not originally inclined to speak, but having
been approached by members of a survivors of child abuse group I decided
it was appropriate to speak. It is quite far removed from any
experience I have had in my life, so in a sense the more I looked at it
the more it shocked me on two fronts. The first is with regard to the
State. The 1916 Proclamation aspires to cherish all the children of the
nation equally and sadly this story indicates the opposite. Given that
religious institutions were involved, the treatment is absolutely in
contradiction with the core Christian message of loving one’s neighbour
as oneself. It is particularly shocking when related to those two
things.
bad girls do the best sheets
Residential abuse in Ireland
represents an exceptionally dark chapter and we had a number of dark
chapters in the 20th century. We are now familiar with the scars of
torture that were inflicted on young children during their internment in
these institutions. The abuse perpetuated in so many industrial
schools operated by the Catholic Church is difficult to comprehend and
quite stomach churning. The Ryan report exposed one of the blackest
stains in the history of the State, including that the entire system
treated children more like prison inmates and slaves than people with
legal rights and human potential. Some religious officials encouraged
ritual beatings and consistency shielded their orders amid a culture of
self-serving secrecy. This is where the State comes in because
Government inspectors failed to stop the abuses.
The entire State system, from the
Garda to the Government, turned a blind eye. It is a testament to the
courage and the fortitude of the victims of these institutions, three of
whom I met on Monday morning, that they did not give up the fight for
justice for themselves, and that finally after many years of complicity
and turning a blind eye the State and the religious institutions
accepted that they had wronged those who had been placed in their care.
The Bill before us is the continuation of the process by which the
State seeks to make amends for the abuse and the suffering it
facilitated being inflicted upon a particularly vulnerable set of
children.
Having known the Minister for many
years, I know that the victims of this abuse will get nothing less than
the highest priority when it comes to this Bill. However, I wish to
bring a number of issues to his attention. Given the horrific
experiences of many of the people held in these institutions, it is
critical that those administering the fund must have a sufficient degree
of empathy with the victims of abuse. Having spoken to some victims of
abuse, I understand that there is room for improvement in this regard.
Obviously, there must be safeguards in place, but at the end of the
day, it must never be forgotten, in any part of the process, that the
State is one of the guilty parties here, and that the victims are
carrying very deep wounds and must be dealt with gently. I therefore
urge the Minister to make his appointments on this matter with an extra
degree of care and consideration for the needs for the victims. It is
the least that the State owes them.
I have a concern over the financing
of the administration of the fund. Having read the Minister’s opening
speech on this debate I am somewhat unclear on the issue and would be
grateful to get clarification. Victims are very concerned that any
funding for the administration of the fund should come from outside
sources. It would not be appropriate to fund both the administration
and the reimbursements for victims from the same source of funding.
I understand that approximately 400
students who are the children of victims of the abuse have been
receiving assistance to complete educational courses. They are nearly
finished but may be cut off from funding before they can complete them.
I urge the Minister to ensure that those who have already begun a
course with the help of the Education Finance Fund can continue to be
supported by the fund until they have completed their current course of
education.
Former residents, who did not put
in claims to the Residential Redress Board, are essentially locked out
of any form of redress under the Bill. I appreciate the need for a
cut-off point in this regard, but I understand from survivors groups
that a substantial number of victims did not go to the redress board and
should perhaps be given a second chance. I ask the Minister to clarify
whether this is feasible. However, these people should be kept in mind
in some way. Just because they did not claim redress from the State
does not mean they have not been deeply hurt by the abuse they suffered.
Perhaps they were too grievously hurt by their experiences to go
through the pain of dragging it up again. Let us keep them in mind.
I wish to raise a related issue.
Because I am a member of the Protestant minority, I have been approached
by a number of people with connections with Bethany Home.
Unfortunately, no redress has been forthcoming from the State in regard
to these victims, who suffered the same sort of punishment as the people
covered by the Bill. This matter is still a running sore for the
victims of Bethany Home, and I ask the Minister to raise this issue with
his Government colleagues. I know that the Minister for Justice and
Equality, Deputy Shatter, has being making positive sounds in this
regard and I hope it will yield positive results. I want to pay tribute
to Mr. Derek Leinster, Mr. Niall Meehan and their colleagues in the
Bethany Homes Survivors Group, who continue to campaign for justice for
all the victims in Protestant institutions. I would appreciate if the
Minister could bring that back to Cabinet.
zondag, juni 17, 2012
De Kerk en haar mysteries
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