Ireland's Illegal Adoption

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In weerwil van een fabeltje: ja zeker,  er zijn hele, hele domme mensen op dees'aardkloot, en er zijn hele, hele domme vragen! 

En misschien is dat maar goed ook. ook al heeft 't dan knap lang geduurd voor ik het correcte antwoord weet - dat ik dus nooit in staat was te geven - op haar wedervraag die ik nú na jaren nog steeds in mijn oor hoor toeteren: "waarom werd jij nooit geadopteerd? " !! 

Dank U, Heer Alejchem. 

het wachten is op de chineesjes 

3-3-2021:

RTÉ Investigates:

A report on the thousands of children who have been illegally adopted in Ireland, and how decades later, they are still battling bureaucracy to find their true identities.

Links

"Ik heb niets. Ik weet niet eens wanneer ik geboren ben", vertelde mevrouw Lynch aan RTÉ Investigates. 

In een ander geval heeft RTÉ onderzoekt bewijs gevonden dat prof. De Valera jr. Prenatale afspraken regelde voor een vrouw die niet echt zwanger was, om de indruk te versterken dat haar illegaal geadopteerde baby eigenlijk haar biologische kind was.

Jaren later schreef prof. De Valera jr. Eind jaren zestig een brief over de plaatsing van een andere baby waarin hij zei "gezien zijn onwettige achtergrond vonden we het het beste dat het kind bij een goed gezin werd geplaatst".

Hoewel Prof de Valera Jr. de zoon was van een van de meest dominante politieke figuren van Ierland, was hij slechts een van de vele machtige personen die betrokken waren bij het faciliteren van illegale adoptie.

Decennia lang werden duizenden andere Ierse baby's van ongehuwde vrouwen illegaal geadopteerd. 

Veel van hun geboorteakten waren vervalst om te suggereren dat hun adoptieouders hun biologische ouders waren. 

Als gevolg hiervan is hun hun ware identiteit ontzegd.

Het registreren van een kind als kind door de geboorte van iemand die niet de moeder van dat kind is, is een strafbaar feit volgens de wet die sinds 1880 van toepassing is op het regelen van geboorten en registraties in Ierland.

Maar zonder juridisch toezicht, zorgde een praktijk van ad-hocregelingen ervoor dat grote aantallen illegale adopties vrijelijk in Ierland konden plaatsvinden. 

Dat zou veranderen met de adoptiewet van 1952, die strenge eisen introduceerde rond de geïnformeerde toestemming van de moeder.

De nieuwe wet verankerde het recht van een moeder om op elk moment van gedachten te veranderen voordat haar baby zes maanden oud werd.

De wet vereiste ook dat adopties alleen plaats vonden via geregistreerde adoptieverenigingen. Elke persoon die buiten dat proces opereerde, was "schuldig aan een misdrijf" en zou een gevangenisstraf of een boete kunnen krijgen.

In werkelijkheid heeft het echter weinig gedaan om het adoptiesysteem van Ierland te veranderen of te reguleren. 

De toenmalige regering stuurde het wetsvoorstel zelfs ter goedkeuring naar de toenmalige aartsbisschop van Dublin, John Charles McQuaid, voordat het werd aangenomen.

Irish Times

4-3-2021 Patsy McGarry, Jennifer Bray

Archbishop pledges assistance to any inquiry into illegal adoptions

Full Government inquiry into State’s adoption practices looking increasingly likely

5 -3-2021 Patsy McGarry 

Sisters of Charity call for inquiry into adoptions following RTÉ programme

‘Really upset that a mother was pursued for money in the manner shown’ on programme

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bron: DELPHER

  

DELPHER

 

08-02-2021

Vraag: "Is er ook een zegen voor de tsaar?"

Antwoord: "Jazeker, God zegene de tsaar en houde hem verre van ons"

RTÉ- Prime Time: The Forgotten Children

 

Only 27 days left to watch

Prime Time tonight speaks to those who were not included in

  the recent Mother and Baby Home report, the children who were boarded out from county homes and who survived shocking neglect and abuse.

The National Redress Scheme, a textbook example of bureaucratic failure

It’s now been nine months and it is time to make the call. The National Redress Scheme is a dismal failure.

The scheme, established in the wake of the Royal Commission into Responses to Institutional Child Sex Abuse, is not a failure driven by good intentions gone awry. 

It is a policy disaster bearing the predictable design failures where the best advice has been ignored in favour of vested interests.
In its report, the Royal Commission’s recommendations included free counselling for the life of the victim, with the victim having the ability to seek services from the counsellor of their choice, the provision for counselling services for family members and the limit of visits extended to a victim under a Medicare health plan (where visits are bulk-billed) removed.

Instead, the National Redress Scheme places a cap on counselling for victims at $5000 per victim. Victims will be referred to a service provider not of their choosing but of the insurer’s. There is no provision for counselling to family members, while the cap on counselling visits under Medicare health plans remains in place at 10 visits per year.

The cap on payouts has been reduced from the $200,000 recommended by the Royal Commission to $150,000 under the NRS. The Royal Commission suggested a matrix be used to determine the amount of compensation which recognised the extent of injury, harm and trauma suffered by the victim. The NRS does not use a matrix and makes its determinations in secret.

The Royal Commission wanted the NRS’s processes in determining compensation to be transparent. Instead, any disclosure of the NRS’s decision-making processes can lead to a criminal conviction and a maximum two-year’s imprisonment.

That is an appalling list. A catalogue of bureaucratic deceit.

The application form for redress is a mind-numbing 44 pages of abstractions pock-marked with pointless street corner psychology. Victims completing the form invariably describe the experience as retraumatising. As painful as it is, it is only the start of the process.

It goes on into a secretive administrative labyrinth and is made even more incomprehensible should a victim be making multiple claims against multiple institutions, or even for something as simple as having moved interstate since the abuse occurred.

For example, let’s take a victim of institutional sexual abuse who was once a ward of the state. That person may have a claim against a state government, and then a religious organisation who ran a facility under the state’s imprimatur. The claim may involve more than one institution if the former ward shanghaied around the system, was abused in an orphanage or home run by one institution then passed on to another where the abuse continued.
In the former ward’s case, the process will require assessment by each of the institutions’ insurers and if the victim has moved state, the office of the Attorney-General in the state where the abuse occurred and the office of the Attorney-General in the state where the victim now lives, will both have to sign off on the claim.

These circumstances are not uncommon. I know of cases where the victim is claiming against three institutions that necessarily requires the involvement of two states. As the victim clambers through each hoop, the wait grows longer.

The delays can be interminable if one or more of the institutions in question have yet to sign on to the National Redress Scheme. They have been given until 2020 to do so. Many guilty institutions have dragged their feet. Some will never sign up.

Victims have died waiting and many more will do so.

Anyone who has followed federal politics in the last three years will know that the federal government is not working. The National Redress Scheme is the policy child of the Turnbull government: an error-prone government mired in internecine feuds. Since August last year, the Morrison government has been in almost permanent campaign mode.

Guilty institutions, including state governments, have been able to lobby the federal government to reduce their liability and reduce their ongoing exposure to their insurers. Insurers, too, had the ear of the bureaucracy and the government.

The only people who did not have access and who were unable to press their case were the victims themselves.

But even if the federal government was distracted, obsessing over its own fate, it had the benefit of a Royal Commission’s recommendations to act on. Indeed, the Turnbull government promised it would act on all the Royal Commission’s recommendations and published a report accepting those that fell under its jurisdiction.

That can now be shown to be a proven lie. What we are left with is an ugly hybrid of those recommendations, manipulated in favour of the guilty.

After watching this shambles roll out, my first thought was victims should ignore the NRS entirely and litigate in the courts. In the US, claims against the Catholic Church by victims of clerical child sex abuse averages out at around $1 million per claimant.

The primary purpose of the National Redress Scheme was to prevent our courts being choked with litigated claims. But litigated claims are costly and the process a form of punishment for victims.

There may be as many as 60,000 claimants, although under the dismal NRS, victims are being deterred from coming forward. These people are you and me. They are us. And they are being retraumatised and their lives put on hold again.

Governments across the country had the opportunity to get this right. They were not flying blind, grappling with uncertainties in virgin policy territory. They were shown the way forward. The fact that they have ignored the best advice and failed to deliver fundamentally decent outcomes should strike at the heart of public confidence in government in this country.

Ten years ago, governments could offer the not entirely satisfactory response that they did not know, or at least could not quantify the extent of the damage wrought on our society through institutional child sex abuse.

What excuse do they have now?

the power and the glory: Bishop Eamonn Casey accused of sexually abusing three women as children Late bishop admitted to one of the allegations, two other women given compensation

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Patsy McGarry

25-3-20119

Irish Times

zie Delpher

Three women made allegations that they were sexually abused as children by former Bishop of Galway the late Eamonn Casey and two have received compensation as a result.

In one of the cases, Bishop Casey, who died in March 2017 aged 89, admitted the abuse when he was serving as a priest up to 2005 in the south Englanddiocese of Arundel and Brighton.

Speaking then to the English diocese’s child protection officer Fr Kieran O’Brien, according to a diocesan document, Bishop Casey said “that there was another historical case dealt with by his solicitors in Dublin.

“Name of alleged victim was (redacted). She made a claim through the Residential Institutions Redress Board and was awarded compensation,” according to a diocesan document.

Bishop Casey made the admission in the context of another allegation of child abuse made against him by his niece Patricia Donovan a short time beforehand in November 2005.

On Monday evening, a spokesman for Limerick’s Catholic diocese confirmed that it was “aware” of the three complaints dating back to the 1950s and 1960s against Bishop Casey, who was ordained in Limerick in 1951 and moved to the UK in 1960. The Garda Síochána and the Church authorities were notified by the Limerick diocese after the complaints were made in 2001, another in 2005 and the third in 2014.

Two of the cases were reported directly to the Limerick diocese’s attention, by the complainant in one instance and on behalf of the complainant in the second. The third came before Arundel and Brighton.

One of the complaints was subsequently dealt with by the Residential Institutions Redress Board, which handled all claims from people maltreated in orphanages, industrial schools or reformatories.

A settlement was made in the second case after his death in 2017 after a woman had begun a High Court action over alleged abuse when Bishop Casey served as a curate in St John’s Cathedral in Limerick from 1955 to 1960,

The Irish Mail on Sunday carried an extensive interview with Ms Donovan who repeated her allegations against Bishop Casey in 2005, which were investigated by the gardaí. No charges were brought by the DPP.

Speaking at the time to The Irish Times, Bishop Casey said he was “utterly amazed” to be told by gardaí on August 28th 2005 that there would be no charges, since he had been interviewed just three weeks before

Zie KRANTENBANK ZEELAND

.

“I thought it would take another five or six months at least,” he declared. Gardaí had questioned him for six hours on foot of the 13 allegations made, he said.

Until last Sunday’s article, which also carried a statement from Limerick diocese on the three women making allegations, it was not known that Bishop Casey faced child abuse allegations by two other women.

wordt vervolgd

Vraag van de maand: What the heck are Goodwood Orphan Queens

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bron

Moe, krijg ik asjeblieft gauw een stuiver?’

‘Wat wou je er mee doen, Jan?’

‘Och, moe, een eindje achter onzen tuin zit een jongen met toch zoo'n aardig vogeltje dat hij me voor een stuiver wil verkoopen.’

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bron

Little Nelly, Cork

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Koninklijke Bibliotheek

Abortion information - the law

The Eighth Amendment has been officially repealed today.

18-9-2018

Abortion information - the law

Citizens Information

19-9-2018

• Introduction
• Rules

Introduction

On 25 May 2018, there was a constitutional referendum on the proposal to replace Article 40.3.3 of the Constitution with the text “Provision may be made by law for the regulation of termination of pregnancy.” A majority of voters approved this proposal and the Bill to amend the Constitution has been signed into law.

The amendment will allow the Oireachtas to pass laws regulating the termination of pregnancy. The Government has published an outline of the legislation it intends to introduce (pdf).

On 25 May 2018, there was a constitutional referendum on the proposal to replace Article 40.3.3 of the Constitution with the text “Provision may be made by law for the regulation of termination of pregnancy.” A majority of voters approved this proposal and the Bill to amend the Constitution has been signed into law.

The amendment will allow the Oireachtas to pass laws regulating the termination of pregnancy. The Government has published an outline of the legislation it intends to introduce (pdf).

Until new legislation is enacted, there is no change to the current legal situation. Abortion remains illegal in Ireland except where there is a real and substantial risk to the life (as distinct from the health) of the mother. This includes a risk arising from a threat of suicide. The Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013 regulates the limited circumstances in which a pregnancy can be legally terminated. The Department of Health has published guidance for health professionals on the operation of the Act.

Women may not be prevented from travelling abroad to get an abortion. It is not lawful to encourage or advocate an abortion in individual cases. It is lawful to provide information in Ireland about abortions abroad, subject to strict conditions. This document explains the rules about providing such information.

Rules

Information about abortion services in other countries may be made available under certain conditions. The law on the subject was passed in 1995 and is usually known as the Abortion Information Act. Its full title is Regulation of Information (Services outside the State for Termination of Pregnancies) Act 1995. The Act sets out how information about legal abortion services outside Ireland may be given to individuals or groups in Ireland.

Information about abortion abroad may be made available by doctors, by specific agencies or by 

etc. etc.

compleet KLIK

An Roinn Gnóthaí Eachtracha agus Trádála Galletjes, ook Curaçao 'diep geraakt' door uitspraken Blok

NOS 20-7-2018 

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Art & The great hunger

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Ships to Australia

   In Australië is groot gebrek aan arbei-

ders. In Londen is onlangs een vlugschrift 

in het licht verschenen, handelende over 

de verhuizing naar Australië, waarin voor-

komt, dat men daar op 180,000 volk-

planters niet minder dan 2 millioen stuks 

rundvee en 8 millioen schapen vindt, zoo

dat de voedingsmiddelen bedierven, om

dal er geene maaijers, en de wol omdat er 

geene scheerders genoeg aanwezig waren. 

Delpher Kranten

   

De regering in Adelaide heeft eene be-

kendmaking laten afkondigen, volgens wel-

ke elk, die 80 Engelsche morgen land aan-

koopt, vrijen overtogt voor 3 door hem aan. 

gewezen volwassen personen of 6 kinde-

ren beneden de veertien jaren zoude wor-

den toegestaan. De verhuizing uit Enge-

land neemt dan ook elk jaar toe. Eene 

inmenging van staatswege is noch noodza-

kelyk, noch raadzaam ; maar de staat heeft 

toch zyn regt van oppertoezigt, dat gelyk 

elk regt ook een pligt voorschryft, die nog 

met veel meer zorg dient volbragt te wor-

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den. Alleen door verhuizing kan gewis 

de verarming der massa niet weggenomen 

worden, vooral daar menschen met eenig 

vermogen dezelfde neiging tot verhuizing 

en daardoor nog betere Uitzigten, dan de geheel armen hebben.

   Den eersten Juny jl. vertrok een Gezel-

schap van 200 meisjes en jonge vrouwen 

met de Royal George van Plymouth naar 

Sydney in Nieuw Wallis. Zy worden kos-

teloos overgevoerd, onder toezigt der Au-

stralische land- en emigratie commissie,

door welke zy op verschillende plaatsen van 

Ierland zyn uitgekozen. De groote be-

hoefte aan dienstboden en de onevenredig-

heid der seksen in die koloniën zyn langen

tyd het onderwerp van beschouwingen ge-

weest en hebben thans eindelyk tot dezen 

maatregel aanleiding gegeven. Een half 

dozyn deftige matronen is belast met de 

zorg voor deze zeldzame vracht.

Philip Wilson: ik ben niet dement!

Lava louça Maria

lava bem

cada rosto que tu debarres

te cousta um vintém

Toucinhos de ceu, Fatima
cancionairo popular 

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groetjes van Daneels

ADELAIDE: 23/5/18

1 minuut leestijd

Dank aan Trijntje: Persoonlijk verslag Nationaal archief Den Haag; tantetje in de verwarmingskelder

Moge óók jouw moeder benen hebben gehad! 

Vandaag was het dan zo ver na aanvankelijk wat strubbelingen, misverstanden, verdwenen brief en een keertje boos worden van mijn kant, mocht ik de stukken komen bekijken.

Vannacht heb ik prima geslapen,maar vanochtend was ik letterlijk ziek, hoofdpijn, misselijk en trillen als een espenblaadje. Op dit soort momenten vind ik het jammer dat ik geen medicijnen gebruik en zou ik graag iets willen hebben om die aanval iets te verzachten, maar ja daar denk ik altijd te laat aan. Ik houd mezelf wel altijd voor dat er niets aan de hand is, dat ik alleen maar wat papieren ga lezen, maar het helpt niet echt. Ik blijf hopen dat deze reaktie ooit nog eens minder word.

De doos met dossiers stond al voor me klaar en op een afgeschermd stuk mocht ik die inzien. Later kwam de archivaris die het opgezocht had er even bij om wat uitleg te geven. Hij vertelde dat hij ook maar alvast alles gekopieerd had en ik dat mee kon krijgen. Wat een service. Ondanks mijn eerdere aanvaring blijkt het een hele sympathieke man te zijn die me graag verder wilde helpen en ook nog wat ideeën aandroeg.

Het meeste wat er bewaard is gebleven is droge kost: voogdijkaarten, uitspraken van de rechtbank over OTS en uiteindelijk de ontheffing uit de ouderlijke macht van mijn vader. Maar 1 dossier was zeker heel interessant, een rechtbankverslag over mijn broer, die veel eerder uithuis geplaatst is, waarin eveneens enkele dingen over mij aangehaald werden, waaruit blijkt dat er wel degelijk het een en ander bekend was. Verder staan er toch dingen in die ik nog niet wist, bv; dat de kinderrechter een vrouw was verbaasde me, ik wist niet dat er begin jaren 60 al vrouwelijke rechters waren. Ja, ik ben heel erg naïef.

Nu de terugslag, ik ben heel erg moe en mijn verwarming staat op 22 graden in de hoop dat ik weer een beetje warm word. Maar al met al is het een zeer positieve ervaring en binnenkort ga ik eens op mijn gemak de kopieën doorlezen.

Dit is al weer een paar weken geleden. Op advies van de archivaris heb ik de persoonskaart van mijn moeder opgevraagd en die kwam van de week binnen. Een half a4tje met daarop haar naam, geboorte/ sterfdatum en huwelijksdatum, de namen van haar ouders en de adressen waar ze gewoond heeft. Een simpel papiertje met een paar gegevens, maar het effect dat het heeft….. Ik heb een moeder! Zij heeft echt bestaan.

Natuurlijk heb ik altijd geweten dat ik een moeder heb, maar toch, het was een abstract begrip, maar nu heb ik het “bewijs”, iets tastbaars. Vreemd dat zo’n papiertje me doet beseffen dat ik echt een moeder heb en ik nu iets over haar weet.
Trijntje.

Ysabel Mavis Arnold, journalist 7 June 1937 - 18 July 2017

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"In Cavan there was a great fire
Judge McCarthy was sent to inquire,
It would be a shame,
if the nuns were to blame,
So it had to be caused by a wire."

Dogerel penned by 
Brian Ó Nualáin (aka Myles na gCopaleen) 
Secretary to the Tribunal of Inquiry.

Marcus Williamson
Independent

Mavis Arnold was the journalist and writer whose investigative work exposed the abuse suffered by children in Ireland’s network of industrial schools. Published in 1985 as Children of the Poor Clares, and co-authored with Heather Laskey, the book was the first to show how orphaned children had been neglected and suffered in the Church-run establishments.

A central theme of the book is a fire which broke out in 1943 at St Joseph’s, an orphanage in County Cavan run by nuns. Thirty six people, including 35 girls and a member of staff, lost their lives as a result of the blaze. A report into the fire issued soon after stated that the deaths were due to lack of emergency procedures and fire-fighting training.

However, based on testimonies of survivors and rescuers, Arnold instead suggested that the nuns’ first reaction had been to keep the girls locked inside the building, so that they would not be seen on a public street in their nightclothes.

The harrowing account goes on to detail the regime of physical and emotional abuse, humiliation and malnourishment that existed – not only at St Joseph’s, but at countless other institutions across the country. Arnold had struggled to find a publisher as the fear of the power of the Church led to the book being rejected by 15 southern Irish publishers. She eventually found one in Belfast who was willing to go to print. 

Revised edition 2012

Disclosures by Arnold, and an initial drip-feed of information from whistle-blowers, soon led to a cascade of testimonies emerging in books and in film, such as The Magdalene Sisters (2002). An official commission to inquire into child abuse gave its report in 2005, but it was not until eight years later that the Taoiseach, Enda Kenny, formally apologised for the state’s role in running the institutions.

Ysabel Mavis Cleave was born in 1937 at Mussoorie Hill Station, near Dehradun, India, and spent her childhood in Sligo. She was educated at Dublin’s Alexandra College and Trinity College, where she obtained a diploma in social studies. At Trinity she met the English journalist and author Bruce Arnold, whom she married in 1959.

In 1969, while working as a journalist, she collaborated with Gemma Hussey to establish the Women’s Progressive Association (later the Women’s Political Association), with the aim of getting more women to run for election. 

In the early Eighties, The Irish Times revealed that the Arnolds’ phone had been tapped because Bruce’s journalism was perceived as a possible threat to national security. She quipped that those listening in would have had to endure “earfuls” of talk about the “women’s movement”.

It was around the same time that Arnold first heard about the industrial schools, which would lead to her best-known work in Children of the Poor Clares, first published in 1985 and re-issued in 2012.

Arnold later trained and worked as a psychotherapist, helping people to overcome the impact of trauma. She was been diagnosed with Alzheimer’s in 2008 and latterly lived at Carysfort Nursing Home, Glenageary.

Her husband Bruce said: “Mavis and I had a great life together. We shared everything. I will always love her. Her life story lives on after her ... She was always on the side of the oppressed and disenfranchised.”