Kenny ná het Haarlems huwelijk

Irish Times
 22-9-2012

“It used to be that children were to be seen and not heard. Had they been heard and listened to, we might not have had many of the scars that I have referred to.”

bossie tulpen voor Mr. Donlon

THE FORMER papal nuncio to Ireland archbishop Gaetano Alibrandi left Dublin and the Vatican’s diplomatic service in 1989 after it emerged there were large amounts of unaccounted for money in three Irish bank accounts belonging to him.

The money is believed to have originated in South America. He had been papal nuncio to Chile from 1961 and led the Chilean delegation to the second Vatican Council, which opened in October 1962.
Dr Alibrandi was papal nuncio to Ireland from 1969 and during his 20 years in the Republic he is believed to have been involved in the appointment of 26 Catholic bishops.

 The disclosures about the circumstances of his departure from Ireland and the Vatican’s diplomatic service were disclosed in the Dr Garret FitzGerald Memorial Lecture at UCC last night by Seán Donlon, former secretary general at the department of foreign affairs.


Speaking to The Irish Times yesterday, Mr Donlon said: “It came to our [Department of Foreign Affairs] attention that a substantial amount in three bank accounts in Dublin [held by the archbishop] were way in excess of what was needed to run the nunciature. The source [of the money] appeared to be South America.”

He continued: “Because of its size, we thought it appropriate to ask if the funds belonged to the Holy See.” When contacted for an answer, Dr Alibrandi “quickly answered ‘no’ and that they belonged to ‘family’. When it was pointed out to him that the money was then liable under Irish taxation law to Dirt, he said he would retire shortly and the accounts would be closed”.

Shortly afterwards Dr Alibrandi returned to his native Sicily, where he died in 2003, at the age of 89. A former personal secretary to cardinal Giovanni Battista Montini, who became Pope Paul VI in 1963, Dr Alibrandi was a noted Provisional IRA sympathiser during his tenure in Ireland. He had “a very testy relationship with three taoisigh – Jack Lynch, Liam Cosgrave and Garret FitzGerald,” Mr Donlon recalled.

The archbishop put pressure on the government over the hunger strike by IRA chief-of-staff Seán Mac Stíofáin in 1972, during which the latter was visited at the Mater hospital in Dublin by Catholic archbishop of Dublin Dermot Ryan and his predecessor John Charles McQuaid.

Similar pressure was applied by Dr Alibrandi in 1977 when Martin Ferris and other republican prisoners went on hunger strike at Portlaoise prison.

Mr Donlon also recalled a terse meeting between Pope Paul VI and then minister for foreign affairs Garret FitzGerald in March 1977 over an appeal by the Irish government that the 1907 Ne Temere mixed marriage decree be relaxed for Ireland. This appeal was refused.

Tiroler Heimkinder arbeiteten für Bundesheer

17. September 2012

Zudem sollen auch Landesorganisationen Heimkinder beschäftigt haben - Bericht des Landeskontrollamtes aus dem Jahr 1977 dokumentiert Vorgänge

Innsbruck - In der Causa um Zwangsarbeit von Heimkindern der Tiroler Landeserziehungsanstalt St. Martin in Schwaz sind weitere Details bekanntgeworden. Auch das Land Tirol und das Bundesheer soll die Mädchen für sich arbeiten haben lassen, berichtete die "Tiroler Tageszeitung" (TT) in ihrer Sonntagsausgabe. Das gehe aus einem Landeskontrollamtsbericht aus dem Jahr 1977 hervor, der unter anderem die Vorgänge in der heimeigenen Lohnwäscherei dokumentiere.

Im Ö1-Morgenjournal bestätigte der Tiroler Militärkommandant Generalmajor Herbert Bauer den Bericht: Das Bundesheer habe das Heim nach einem Ausschreibungsverfahren als Wäscherei betrachtet, die Jugendlichen seien aber in keinem Arbeitsverhältnis mit dem Bundesheer gestanden. Zudem betont Bauer, dass die Betroffenen alle mindestens 15 Jahre alt gewesen seien. Das Bundesheer wolle die Vorgänge nun restlos aufklären, so der Militärkommandant.
Kritik von Kontrollamt bereits 1977

Laut TT war dem Land zumindest seit 1977 bekannt, dass ein Teil der Mädchen zu Arbeitsleistungen herangezogen wurde.
Die Lohnwäscherei sei 1963 eingerichtet worden, "um eine regelmäßige Beschäftigung und volle arbeitsmäßige Auslastung  der Zöglinge zu erzielen", heißt es es in dem der Zeitung vorliegenden Prüfbericht.

Als Auftraggeber würden neben Kompanien und Dienststellen des Bundesheers die Landesberufsschule für Optiker, die Landesgebäudeverwaltung, das Landessportheim, das Tiroler Hilfswerk,
die Tyrolia-Werke, der Sportklub Schwaz, das Volkshaus Schwaz, Gasthöfe und das Krankenhaus Schwaz aufscheinen.

Rund 100 Mädchen seien in den 1970er-Jahren im Erziehungsheim untergebracht gewesen. Bei ihrem Eintritt habe  die Heimführung ein sogenanntes Zöglingskonto angelegt.
Zwischen 13 und 28 Mädchen arbeiteten von 1970 bis 1976  in der Wäscherei.
Im Jahr 1970 wurden dort beispielsweise rund 66.409 Kilogramm Wäsche gewaschen.

Zudem hätten die Zöglinge auch Kleidungsstücke ausbessern müssen.

Das Kontrollamt habe bereits 1977 gerügt, dass lediglich von 56 der 113 Mädchen, die im Prüfzeitraum das Heim verließen, die Konten aufgelöst  und das Geld den Mädchen übergeben worden sei. Die Führung habe damals unter anderem fehlende Adressen als  Begründung angegeben.

Öffentlich gemacht wurden die Vorgänge im Heim St. Martin durch ehemalige Zöglinge. Sie hatten darüber
berichtet, für Swarovski, Darbo und Eglo in den 60er Jahren Arbeiten verrichtet zu haben,
ohne von der Heimleitung entsprechend entlohnt worden zu sein. Das Land Tirol hatte daraufhin
eine eigene Kommission unter dem Titel, "Arbeit in Tiroler Heimen" ins Leben gerufen.
(APA/red, 17.9.2012)

Arbeit für Heimkinder war laut Historikern "Erziehungsziel"

Der Standard
Thomas Neuhold
31-8-2012

Salzburger Historiker verlangen eine einheitliche Regelung zur Entschädigung von Heimkindern.

Der Missbrauch war "gesellschaftlicher Konsens" und die "Verantwortungskette" war lang

Salzburg - Voraussichtlich im Oktober werden die Salzburger Universitäts-Historiker Ingrid Bauer,

Tina Kubek und Robert Hoffmann ihre Forschungsergebnisse zur Situation der Heim- und Pflegekinder im Land Salzburg von 1945 bis in die 1980er-Jahre vorlegen. Die Studie entsteht im Auftrag der Landesregierung.

"Das Land ist von sich aus aktiv geworden und an das Institut für Geschichte herangetreten", lobt Bauer

die Sozialabteilung.

In manchen Bundesländern habe die Forschung noch nicht einmal begonnen.

Eines der wichtigsten Ergebnisse der Untersuchungen nehmen Bauer und Kubek im Standard-Gespräch vorweg: Die Frage von Entschädigungen und die Frage der Nachzahlung fehlender Pensionszeiten "kann man nicht bundesländerweise regeln", sagt Bauer. Es bedürfe einer bundesweit einheitlichen Regelung.

Gerade das Schicksal der Salzburger Heimkinder zeige dies ganz deutlich. Vor allem in den 1960er-Jahren seien die Kinder auf Erziehungsanstalten in ganz Österreich aufgeteilt worden. "Salzburger Kinder wurden in 61 verschiedene Heime verschickt."

Frustration und Stillstand

Wohin solle sich ein Salzburger wenden, der als Kind oder Jugendlicher zuerst in einem Kärntner Heim, später dann in Tirol untergebracht worden war, lautet die rhetorische Frage der beiden Historikerinnen. Die Betroffenen würden von Anlaufstelle zu Anlaufstelle geschickt, befürchten Bauer und Kubek. Das führe zu Frustration und Stillstand.

Als Vorbild einer bundesweiten Regelung könne Deutschland dienen, empfehlen die Wissenschafter. Dort habe der Bundestag einen runden Tisch mit Betroffenen, deren Vertretern, Heimträgern, Kirchen, Bund und Ländern sowie Firmen eingerichtet. Herausgekommen sei ein Bundesentschädigungsfonds. Dieser würde seine Entschädigungspraxis transparent gestalten. In Österreich hingegen würden beispielsweise die Nachzahlungen von Pensionszeiten völlig intransparent laufen.

Für eine einheitliche Bundesregelung mit einem die Entschädigungsstrategien koordinierenden Gremium spricht aus Sicht der Forschung auch, dass es eine gesellschaftliche Gesamtverantwortung gibt. "Die Verantwortungskette sei lange", sagt Bauer.

Kinderarbeit für Heimbetrieb

Als Beispiel nennt sie die Einbehaltung von Arbeitslöhnen durch die Heime. Dies liege teilweise auch an der chronischen Unterfinanzierung der Einrichtungen durch die öffentliche Hand, "mit den Tagsätzen war der Heimbetrieb nicht aufrechtzuerhalten".

Alle - vom Gesetzgeber über Ämter, Gerichte, Heimträger und Firmen - gehörten in diese lange Verantwortungskette. Letztlich habe es "einen gesellschaftlichen Konsens" gegeben, wie mit Kindern umzugehen sei, "die nicht der Norm entsprechen". Es habe quasi einen Konsens für Missbrauch und Zwangsarbeit gegeben. "Die Arbeit war Erziehungsziel", fasst Kubek zusammen. 

 Dass sich dann ab den 1970er-Jahren die Situation langsam zu verbessern begonnen habe, sei noch ein Indiz für die lange Verantwortungskette: Es sei vielen Beteiligten wohl bewusst gewesen, dass im Fürsorgewesen vieles schiefgelaufen ist.

Wir haben es nicht gewusst. Aartsbisdom erkent uitspraak Meldpunt Seksueel Misbruik RKK Simonis moet Albergenaren excuses aanbieden, oproep aan kardinaal Simonis

 8-2-2012 klik


 "
...

Op signalen over misstanden is destijds onvoldoende adequaat gereageerd, zo is inmiddels duidelijk geworden. De bisdomstaf onderschrijft de oproep van de slachtoffergroep aan kardinaal Simonis, destijds aartsbisschop van Utrecht, om ook het berokkende leed te erkennen en spijt te betuigen over wat er destijds gebeurd is.
..." 

RTV oost

Aartsbisdom 21-9-2012

sans culotte

erfgoed

Minister en de confectie fabrieken De Goede Herder

De gemeenteraad en de grens aan fabrieksgebied, de wasserijen van De Goede Herder

Dirty laundry

JFM demands immediate government action for Magdalene survivors

Justice for Magdalenes (JFM), the survivor advocacy group, is this week providing every TD and Senator with a redacted copy of its recent principal submission to the Inter-Departmental Committee investigating State involvement with the Magdalene Laundries. We d¬o so with survivors’ consent and identities have been protected. 

“State Involvement with the Magdalene Laundries,” a 145-page document with an additional 30-page index of supporting materials, offers overwhelming and irrefutable evidence of State complicity in the abuses experienced by young girls and women in these institutions. The original submission was supported by some 795 pages of newly gathered survivor testimony which is consistent with the 3,707 pages of archival evidence and legislative documentation also provided to the Inter-Departmental Committee.

JFM’s decision to make the redacted document available comes in light of the announcement last week by Minister for Justice, Mr. Alan Shatter, T.D., that the Inter-Departmental Committee’s final report now may not appear until the end of the year. Originally, the final report was to be published by “mid-2012,” and then no later than this month.

As stated in our press release last week, JFM is gravely concerned by this additional delay and calls on the government to issue an immediate apology and to initiate meaningful discussions towards providing redress and restorative justice to all survivors. The UN Committee Against Torture recommendation (June 2011) called on the State to ensure that survivors obtain redress within one year. The State has failed to do so. Meanwhile a population of aging and elderly women is left waiting.

Moreover, Minister Shatter has refused to discuss an apology or redress until after the publication of the Committee’s final report. JFM has, in turn, repeatedly asked Mr. Shatter to set a threshold for State involvement short of the final report so that survivors can access entitlements without further delay, e.g., statutory pensions and lost wages.

JFM is urging all Oireachtas members to read “State Involvement with the Magdalene Laundries” and to press Minister Shatter to take action within the Dáil’s Autumn session. Survivors’ entitlements should no longer be held hostage to a political system that is not delivering on its promises.

JFM has also written to Minister for State with responsibility for older people, Ms. Kathleen Lynch, T.D. In our letter, we refer Minister for State Lynch to JFM’s proposed Restorative Justice and Reparations Scheme, submitted on 14th October 2011, which outlined a Dedicated Unit within the Department of Justice to provide services for Magdalene survivors. Given the ongoing delays to real Government action, JFM is asking Minister Lynch to make available a dedicated help line and outreach service to Laundry survivors as soon as possible.

Three years into this campaign, 22 months after the IHRC recommendation, 15 months after the United Nation’s Committee Against Torture recommendation and ensuing Government Statement on the Magdalene Laundries, by refusing to apologise and provide redress, the Fine Gael and Labour government continues to fail survivors of the Magdalene Laundries. 

 









Will the all too familiar policy of “deny ‘til they die” become “delay ‘til they die”?

Irish Examiner

Analysis by Claire O’Sullivan

September 18, 2012

The  145 pages of Justice for Magdalene’s submission to the inter-departmental committee investigating State involvement in the Magdalene Laundries makes you ashamed to be Irish.

Reading it, you can’t help but feel repulsed, sickened and deeply ashamed — disgusted that any human being, let alone religious organisation, could treat another human being in such a way and that the Irish State could stand idly by and let it happen.

JFM describes from testimony how the women suffered abuse of various kinds — their hair was forcibly cut, they were beaten with belts until they bled and once the door to the outside world was shut on them, they were referred to by number not by name.

Over the course of the submission, JFM hold religious orders and the State directly and indirectly responsible for systematically humiliating, imprisoning and enslaving thousands of young Irish girls.

The submission made to Senator Martin McAleese’s committee is 145 pages long but includes a 30-page index explaining the 3,707 pages of archival evidence, legislation, and other materials including 795 pages of survivor testimony.

According to the submission, the State sent women and girls to the laundries and ensured "they remained there — in most cases, without any statutory basis for doing so".

JFM argue that the State used the laundries as a way of dealing with births outside marriage, poverty, homelessness, promiscuity, domestic and sexual abuse as well as youth crime and infanticide. It chose to enslave women with the nuns rather than develop a female borstal.

"It repeatedly sought to funnel diverse populations of women and girls to the Magdalene Laundries and in return, the religious orders obtained an entirely unpaid and literally captive workforce for their commercial laundry enterprises," they wrote.

Survivors and witnesses told JFM how the women washed, ironed and sewed from dawn to dusk, were regularly beaten, not allowed to talk to one another and punished if they laughed. There was no regard whatsoever for their health or medical needs. If they stepped out of line, they were "put down the hole".

"This was a four by four room… There was nothing in it, only a bench — no windows. You were put in there; your hair was cut, more or less off completely. Your hair was cut, and you were there all day without anything to eat," one woman recalled.

Even for the "good" girls and women upstairs, food was scarce. Mary C recalled "they were out rooting in the bins — they were rooting in the bins... They were hungry."

The women and girls in the laundries were also denied contact with girls in other convent complexes. In Limerick, the nuns kept women separate from children in the industrial school, often their own children.

One witness described how a "lady in particular didn’t know that after she gave birth, her daughter was brought up in the same complex and remained there until she was 16 years old".

"My worst memory goes back to that lady and her daughter... the daughter at one end of the church and the mother at the other end of the church and neither of the two of them knowing each was there. There is something wrong with a society that permitted that sort of thing to go on. There is something wrong."

Meanwhile, Ciaran C, the laundry manager in Limerick, said the laundry was designed so the women could not see out or be seen inside.

 He recounted to JFM how the nuns split two sisters, sending one to New Ross and the other to Limerick "and that they did not tell M that her sister had died for a year — and then only to punish her". When being castigated for some misdemeanour they told her: "Oh by the way, your sister died last year’, just like that. So M had a nervous breakdown, and her nerves were never 100% afterwards."

Another woman, Sara W, said that during her time in Donnybrook the nuns did not tell her her mother had died, so "I was writing to my mother, that was dead... I wrote to my mother every week but got no reply".

In return for taking these women, the nuns got direct capitation grants from the State and also valuable state contracts for cleaning laundry and commercial laundry work from various Government departments and agencies. Such was their faith in the religious orders, the State chose not to supervise the religious orders’ operation of the Magdalene Laundries.

THE State also failed to enforce its own health and safety legislation in the laundries and turned a blind eye to the fact these school-age girls weren’t receiving an education, weren’t being paid for working 12-hour days and had been cut off from family, friends and the outside world.

JFM also demonstrate how the State never ensured that social welfare contributions were being paid for this secret workforce and never questioned why women who were sent in on probation never again exited.

In the words of the report’s authors: "If [as the survivors unanimously say] they were not free to leave, the committee needs then to determine on what basis the State allowed [and indeed helped] one group of Irish citizens [the nuns] to imprison another group [the women and girls] without lawful authority."

* The final report of the inter-departmental committee investigating State involvement with the Magdalene Laundries is due to be published at the end of the year. JFM were instrumental in bringing about the investigation, which is chaired by Senator Martin McAleese 

Eindrapport commissie-Samson op 8 oktober openbaar

Nieuwsbericht | 19-09-2012

Op maandag 8 oktober presenteert de commissie-Samson haar eindrapport. Met de presentatie en publicatie van het eindrapport wordt het onafhankelijk onderzoek van de commissie-Samson, naar seksueel misbruik van minderjarigen die onder verantwoordelijkheid van de overheid in instellingen of pleeggezinnen zijn geplaatst, afgesloten.

De titel van het rapport is: 'Omringd door zorg, toch niet veilig'.

asiel zoekers en gillende keukenmeiden

koor en pastoor Dominique Donders Veldhoven: Ik ben een volkomen randdebiel . Ministerie geschokt door percentage anafabetisme

Adressen en bereikbaarheid

 1 sept 2012

VELDHOVEN - 'Wat een overdreven heisa' en 'ik heb moeite medeleven te hebben met de pastoor'. Parochianen van de Lambertusparochie in Veldhoven reageerden verdeeld op de commotie over hun pastoor Dominique Donders. Vrijdag kwam de pastoor in het nieuws nadat bekend werd dat er kinderporno op zijn computer was gevonden.
Na de viering zaterdagavond gaf het parochiebestuur een verklaring over alle ophef. Ook het parochiebestuur bleek onaangenaam verrast door het politie-onderzoek naar de pastoor, die op non-actief is gesteld.

'We maken allemaal fouten'
Het bestuur veroordeelt het hebben van kinderporno, maar vroeg ook om compassie. Volgens Hans Uyl van het parochiebestuur 'zijn we allemaal mensen met fouten'. "Als de pastoor berouw toont, schenkt God hem vergiffenis. Laten wij dus ook voor hem bidden."

Voor sommigen ging dit medeleven te ver. Anderen geloven nog steeds in de onschuld van de pastoor. "Misschien heeft een ander het op zijn computer gezet. Wij kunnen hem nog niet veroordelen, zolang justitie hem niet veroordeeld heeft", zegt iemand.

'Iedereen kan kinderporno op zijn computer hebben'
Een andere man was wel heel tolerant: "Iedereen kan kinderporno op zijn computer hebben. Iedereen kan dat downloaden. Wat stom dat hij het bewaarde. Ik denk dat iemand anders hem erin geluisd heeft. Waarom vraagt niemand zich af wie de tipgever over die kinderporno was?"

Voorlopig heeft het parochiebestuur en het bisdom nog geen antwoord op de vraag hoe het nu verder moet. Beiden willen eerst afwachten of pastoor Donders vervolgd wordt voor het hebben van kinderporno.

KLIK

16-9-2012

Bron: Slim Veldhoven

Lieve Lita; PKN beroepscode en gedragsregels

Bron: PKN

Liefdewerk oud papier, Ballade des pendules

Edward Lear

Hearing in Ile a la Crosse opgeschoven

– A Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) hearing
scheduled for September 15 in Île-à-la-Crosse is being postponed due to a recent storm
that has disrupted power, water and sewage lines.

Pipe ceremony at 8

Edward Lear

TRC hearings in Patuanak postponed

September 12, 2012 – Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) hearings
scheduled for September 13 and 14 in Patuanak are being postponed due to a death in the
community.
The hearings were scheduled to take place at English River First Nation Band Hall. New dates will be announced once they have been decided.
In the meantime, Patuanak residents are welcome to attend the TRC hearing scheduled to
begin at 9 a.m. MDT September 15 at Rossignol Elementary School in Île-à-la-Crosse.

bron

Soms, zoals bij het Lucky Luke lezen,  is amsterdammer zijn gewoon niet handig.

The Question of Louis Riel’s Insanity

to stair it down; baarmoedermonden

"liedeliedelies"

Just going to ask you this question
you don't have to answer...


 treatyindians

to stare it down

Church attempted to 'muzzle' child protection officer

The Irish Times
 September 10, 2012
Paul Cullen


Mr Elliott, who last week published seven audits of dioceses and congregations, declined to comment last night.